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Dr. Amrik Singh

All of these articles by Dr. Amrik Singh

The Saga of Abhinav Bindra   Dr. Amrik Singh

PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA
AND THE BEGINNING OF HISTORY

Dr Amrik Singh writes from Sacramento

On November 4, 2008, Americans didn’t have to wait long for results of the presidential election. The voting was still current in some parts when the news of landslide win struck the world. No more trammels that marked Al Gore’s election in 2000 and John Kerry’s in 2004. The mandate was loud and clear. African Americans’ expression of freedom became their inalienable right. They needed proof and it came after two centuries. Barack Hussein Obama’s name will forever resonate among the Firsts of human history. He turned out to be the bearer of a special knowledge of the black community that has now transformed into the unquestionable power of United State of America. A majority of ninety five percent blacks ardently stood behind their leader who first probed his roots before choosing to guide their relentless march. Their steps in unison convinced white America of change. The message went across the color line and all fears of the unknown were scotched. The rant of Rev. Jeremiah Wright, the lectures of the radical professor Bill Ayers and the black theology of Louis Farrakhan didn’t matter at all. The media hype of their association with Obama, in fact, only highlighted the urgency of changing America.

The longest ever campaign, first with Hillary Clinton, and then with John McCain helped only in electrifying the dormant regions of voters’ consciousness. A lot of soul searching by whites, Latinos, Asians and Native Americans created strong currents of change. Moving into that direction happened to be a sort of spiritual journey for many who wanted to shake off the dirt of stereotypes, color blindness, and genetic superlatives. Multi-million March to Washington, DC to the affirmation and the beat of black music had finally found a decent entry to the White House. It became ‘a carnival of desires.’ Shadrack, in Toni Morrison’s novel Sula provides blacks ‘a slit-in-the veil.’ Back then January stood as the “National Suicide Day” for blacks of Medallion. But at the moment it transformed into the “National Integration Day.” The journey from the fear of the White to the fight for the White House ended on a welcome note. All the pain suffered by black ancestors found its way in tears streaming down eyes of strong men like Collin Powell and Rev. Jessie Jackson. No more tearing of the ‘Bottom’ a derogatory label for Black neighborhood of Medallion in Morrison’s novel. It took four hundred years to build a man who was confident of his roots and knew how to engage his white counterparts in a nation building exercise.

African American writers though created black characters journeying towards faith, but in real life it still was a dream. When Bill Clinton was under a scathing attack for his clandestine escapades with his intern, media widely highlighted Toni Morrison’s comments. The Nobel laureate portrayed Clinton as the First Black President of America, the status he enjoyed until Barack Obama decided to run for the President. In February 2007, Toni Morrison endorsed Barack Obama clarifying her earlier metaphoric depiction of Clinton as imaginary. Clinton maybe allegorically black, but Obama is in reality intelligent (black) in his demeanor and destiny. Morrison emphasized in her letter to Barack Obama, “ that in addition to keen intelligence, integrity and a rare authenticity, you exhibit something that has nothing to do with age, experience, race or gender and something I don't see in other candidates. That something is a creative imagination which coupled with brilliance equals wisdom. It is too bad if we associate it only with gray hair and old age. Or if we call searing vision naivete. Or if we believe cunning is insight. Or if we settle for finessing cures tailored for each ravaged tree in the forest while ignoring the poisonous landscape that feeds and surrounds it. Wisdom is a gift; you can't train for it, inherit it, learn it in a class, or earn it in the workplace--that access can foster the acquisition of knowledge, but not wisdom.

--------There have been a few prescient leaders in our past, but you are the man for this time.” Academic circles were indeed mesmerized with so strong an endorsement.

The change first came in the corridors of universities and colleges. A host of black writers questioned white American literary giants for undergrounding black desires. Freeing the representation of African Americans from stereotypes of genetic inferiority, Black writers stressed on firmness of roots and consistency of character. Barack Obama’s story though is identical with Golden Boy of Morrison’s Jazz; he however has the strength of Son Green of Tar Baby. He is no more perturbed by Jadine Childes, the elusive black model. He achieved bonding with black men on galloping horses. They told him of Black beauty that he ultimately finds in Michelle Obama.

Nothing is separate from the whole. The American meltdown has demonstrated how the nations are interconnected. The meteoric rise of Barack Obama, a catalytic factor, is bound to touch the core of international relations. The credibility of United States in world affairs appears to be back on track. Analysts believe percept and practice as two nodal points of leadership will inform policymaking of Obama presidency. The superiority of US armed forces has given way to ideals of liberty and equality. The campaign run by President elect Barack Obama objectified many lessons for the rest of the world.

One of the most significant lessons is the renewal of hierarchical equations relative to the grassroots level. Barack Obama became the first African American nominee of a major political party. The contest between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama had all the muckraking usual in politics, but Clinton’s unstinted support became unprecedented. Eighteen millions who voted for Clinton had explicit prodding from her to support Obama. Secondly, the battle between Sen. Obama and Sen. McCain in spite of reaching feverish pitches, ended on a friendly note. McCain’s congratulations and promise of bipartisan support to historic change, symbolized American civility in political life. Obama’s presidency has emerged as a world leadership on the one hand and the ‘audacity of hope’ for Americans on the other. He is right in recognizing that the road is long and steep.

His success depends upon the kind of team he chooses to work with. Pundits always find a niche in the administrative circles with their keen analyses and fear parading. Along with these fortune-tellers move pressure groups, the lobbyists, and corporate houses. If Obama succeeds in reading only pro-people agenda in their proposals, he will change America for a long to come. He needs to be cautious of sugar-coated ideas which appear attractive and marketable, but actually may poison the whole advancement made in human relationships. If he stays the course for the next eight years with his vision, American Presidency will never be the same again.

Note: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not necessarily those of  ambedkartimes.com

Posted on November 17, 2008

Dalit Emancipation
and Sahib Kanshi Ram’s Captivity

Dr Amrik Singh writes from Sacramento

In the modern context, Sahib Kanshi Ram’s name has become synonymous with Dalit empowerment. The complexion of Indian democracy significantly changed with his rise on the political horizon of India. Major Indian political parties were taken by surprise. The era of one-party rule ended paving a way for the coalition politics at the Center. He entered in politics like an ascetic by renouncing the comfort of hearth and home for writing a new chapter on making of the Indian Nation. Utter Pradesh Chief Minister Kumari Mayawati, his keen follower, created history by winning absolute majority in predominantly Hindu majority state of Utter Pradesh. A spate of pro-Dalit developments undergoing in Utter Pradesh would not have been otherwise possible for several decades. The day is not far when she may even occupy the seat of power in Delhi. A majority of Dalits are proud of Kanshi Ram and his protégé Kumari Mayawati for empowering them, but few experience alienation for not being allowed to participate in the celebratory moments of their patriarch’s vision.

According to a report published in Times of India on 10/19/2008 , Sadhanshu Kumar, a youth from Bhagalpur and an ardent follower of BSP icon Kanshi Ram has been singularly campaigning at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi for a CBI probe into his unnatural death. Nobody can miss the banner displaying, “Kanshi Ram Ne Di Sardari, Mayawati Ne Ki Gaddari” (Kanshi Ram put a crown on her, but she betrayed him.) Sadhanshu Kumar may be among very few who would try to belittle Mayawati’s remarkable history being the first woman of Dalit origin to command so much authority. Everyone knows that UP CM could jolt influential persons like Mrs. Sonia and Rahul Gandhi out of their smugness, sometimes just to demonstrate the sweep of her unquestionable power. Dedicated supporters of Kanshi Ram like Sadhanshu Kumar from Bihar are relatively very poor and non-entities in comparison to the immensurable strength of Utter Pradesh Chief Minister.

On Kanshi Ram’s second death anniversary, Kumari Mayawati announced 3000 crores development projects. One of the projects, “Dr. Shakuntala Mishra Handicapped University” has been named after BSP General Secretary, Satish Chandra Mishra’s mother. Mishra, a Brahmin is currently the undisputed king of Utter Pradesh CM’s strategies and policies. The naming of the Handicapped University after Mishra’s mother to memorialize Kanshi Ram’s death anniversary, appears to be a cruel reminder of Kanshi Ram’s 95 year old mother who died during a prolonged struggle to liberate her ailing son from Mayawati’s clutches. Critics say Mayawati used purposely Mishra’s mother to demoralize Kanshi Ram’s relatives who still allege that Mr. Ram was killed while in her captivity. The act of naming Handicapped University after her General Secretary’s mother, according to a Kanshi Ram’s supporter, is like rubbing salt in the festering wounds of his survivors.

A school teacher who had dreamed of becoming a civil servant at the most, Mayawati fantasized her life on the roller coaster when she met Kanshi Ram in 1980. Kanshi Ram’s matter-of- fact style captivated her. She could not get over what he had prophesied about her ‘being the ruler instead of being ruled.’ She started monopolizing him from the very first day of her meeting with him; and thought she would not only win him over to her side completely, but also not tolerate anyone sharing the special pride he had.

Mayawati recognized that Kanshi Ram had set a mission on a higher plane where wealth, marriage and family ties could not distract him. His vows about not marrying and amassing wealth during his BAMCEF days reflected the singularity of his purpose and extreme dedication to the cause of Dalit upliftment.

Mayawati figured out that Kanshi Ram’s detachment from worldly allures had created a void that he wanted to fill by empowering Dalits in the national politics. She set her eye on the empty space of his life and started filling it with her domineering presence. She presented herself as the agent of change that Kanshi Ram had most advertized. The aggressiveness she showed by venting her vitriol against Brahmins, Bania and Thakurs had convinced Kanshi Ram of her potential and eagerness to work for the party cause.

The experience of being three time chief minister of India’s most populous state during Kanshi Ram’s life time, Mayawati had carved her own independent line that ran contrary to her mentor’s beliefs. Some supporters feel Kanshi Ram’s resolve to remain unaffected by political corruption and relatives’ promotion was woefully reversed. She showed her tendency to amass unlimited wealth and got embroiled in Taj Corridor corruption case.

After 1998, Kanshi Ram decided not to contest any election for the public office.

He planned to improve the party functioning and make it more attached to the grassroots level. But by 2000, he realized that he had lost the command of the party to Mayawati’s new alliances and tremendous financial clout. As he had no wealth, no home, no friends, he experienced helplessness typically like millions of Dalits who end up in traps of Chankayan making. Since Mayawati increased her surveillance to monitor his movements and people he met with, Kanshi Ram apprehended a grave threat to his life. He allegedly gave hints of a conspiracy to his supporters. Before Kanshi Ram could wriggle out of the trap, he suffered the paralytic stroke making him completely at the mercy of Mayawati, an Amazonian figure in Dalit politics. Earlier, Kanshi Ram tried to spend more time in Punjab. Mayawati had vehemently disapproved of his new love for his family. According to a report, she even used a filthy language for his 93 year old mother. Mayawati now had resolved to demonize Kanshi Ram’s family, and she spared no effort to succeed in her mission. Consequently, all the aggressiveness that was reserved previously for Brahmins, Banias and Thakurs had shifted singularly against Ram’s family whom she considered as a threat to her fiefdom. She skillfully substituted slandering Brahmins in UP with vilifying his family in Punjab.

Kanshi Ram’s increasing interest in Punjab was ascribed to his remote fixation with his family. Mayawati needed a strategy to project his family, and the Sikh background as fundamentally opposed to the national interests. Such a scheme had a greater traction in it as it would help Kanshi Ram become harbinger of hopes for Dalits and Brahmins in UP. As the paralytic stroke affected the right side of his brain, it was strong reason to retire him compulsorily to the bed. Mayawati idolized him to an extent that he existed as an Icon of Dalit revolution, but had nothing to do with everyday politics. Kanshi Ram tragic withdrawal from active politics left a void. Circumspect Dalit leaders apprehend that Brahmins were looking for long to fill the void created by Ram’s absence.

In real politics, Kanshi Ram was immediately replaced by Satish Chander Mishra as the most dominant influence in Mayawati’s life. She said that Mishra helped her in difficult times when Kanshi Ram had a stroke and his family was instigated against her. The son of the former Chief Justice of Guwahati High Court, Satish Mishra as her legal counsel, bailed her out of Taj Corridor corruption case. Mayawati got Mishra elected to Rajya Sabha seat. She also appointed him general secretary of BSP. As soon as Mishra took the center stage, it is believed, a major shift in Ambedkar’s ideology took place.

According to a report, Satish Mishra travelled 22,000 Kilometer across about 70 districts of Utter Pradesh between July1, 2006 to Sept 2006. Earlier, he had convinced Mayawati that the iconic value of Kanshi Ram’s life could not be allowed to waste away by his family in Punjab. A few days before his death, Mishra had completed his tour of magnetizing Brahmins to the BSP fold. He now needed to manipulate media so that the family feud turns to BSP advantage. After Kanshi Ram’s death on October 9, 2006, a host of well coordinated strategies were seen in operation.

Since Delhi High Court unexpectedly rejected the plea of Kanshi Ram’s family for the post-mortem of the body, his brother and sister became mute spectators to what followed at the funeral rites. The manner of hurriedly disposing of Kanshi Ram’s body aroused some people’s suspicion. The body was supposed to be for the public view for about two hours, but it reached one hour late leaving hardly any time for his supporters to have the last look. The funeral was advanced from 3PM to 2 PM. The cremation was carried out hurriedly according to Buddhists rites. Kanshi Ram’s family had neither any leader nor any court on their side. The funeral pyre was lit by Mayawati herself in the presence of the BSP founder’s brother and sisters. The last severe blow came with the announcement that his ashes would be the exclusive property of the party.

Satish Mishra next planned strategies to cash on the sympathy wave in ensuing 2007 elections. On October 17, 2006, Mayawati took Kanshi Ram’s ashes in an urn to Lucknow. It took six hours from Lucknow Airport to Ambedkar Bhawan where she made one hour speech to several hundred thousand people emphasizing that she was the sole inheritor of his political legacy. She appealed to voters to honor Sahib Kanshi Ram by electing her with absolute majority. Voters indeed surprised pollsters by giving Mayawati absolute majority in the Vidhan Sabha. On the eve of his two death anniversaries, many development projects were announced, but the question still remains, “Is Mayawati, the sole inheritor of what Kanshi Ram’s symbolized in his life?” If she is, she will definitely give a program for social emancipation of Dalits in accordance with the ideology of Kanshi Ram and Ambedkar.

Kanshi Ram said that once Dalits ‘capture power, social emancipation would follow keeping in line with most progressive political philosophy and ideology.’ In the next Parliamentary elections, Mayawati maybe a strong candidate for Prime Ministerial berth; if she gets the coveted post, she will fulfill the prophecy of her mentor. The question of ‘social emancipation’ as it is more complex and subtle, will require entirely a different strategy. Dalits have to be extricated from the swamp of ‘inferiority complex’ on the one hand and their self-esteem has to be attached with power structures of the social domain on the other. Social emancipation is more akin to personal growth of character and conviction. It has a fundamental difference with the Varna system which seeks to empower through exclusion. Social emancipation takes guidance from spiritual stock that promotes inclusiveness and bipartisanship even with rivals. Kanshi Ram’s siblings in such circumstances maybe partners with Mayawati for a new era of pride and glory

BSP founder Sahib Kanshi Ram was an alumnus of Government College Ropar where the writer once worked as a teacher. drsinghamrik@gmail.co

Note: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not necessarily those of  ambedkartimes.com

Posted on October 30, 2008

The Saga of Abhinav Bindra
Written by Dr. Amrik Singh from Sacramento

His gold came like the rainfall in a parched land. He struck the chord that lilted hearts of a billion Indians. He shot near perfect in the bull's eye. Many a foot rose in unison to the beat of the drum. He had done it! The history recorded it as the first Solo Olympic Gold of Independent India. Punjab at the crest again figured in our discourses. He practiced his best shots in Zirkpur (Mohali) Punjab. The small town in the outskirts of Chandigarh struggled for a legal recognition due to the Chandigarh Periphery Act. The beleaguered residents now feel, it is almost over because an auspicious star has risen in its skies. It is a time for celebrations. No mean looks, no rivalry, no politics, no bad word can obscure the golden shine. Abhinav created a heartthrob in millions who are capable of striking the gold mine, but may not be lucky to be on the roster.  Will Abhinav be their leader in Gold tally?

Yes, if the bad shooters in politics won't make him their prized victim. If we ring them out and ring in those who aim at the bull's-eye, India could be the nation of performers as a replacement for manipulators.  Abhinav appears to beckon us to take pride in what is best in us and ignore all that provokes the worst.

 At the time Abhinav in Beijing was concentrating on 'shooting good shots', his parents were offering prayers in Sector 8 Gurdwara in Chandigarh. A few hours later, their wish was granted. Abhinav had no idea of making the history. His goal was to 'shoot well and shoot aggressively.'

Abhinav's earlier recognitions paved the way for his ace achievement in Beijing. Punjab CM Parkash Singh Badal wasted no time in announcing 10 millions Rupees for 'the Son of Punjab.' The windfall of wealth continues to come in his way.  The saga of Abhinav Bindra's success will create a desire in millions of youths to go his way. But they need parents like Bindra’s. If government of India plays the parental role for the ones who are promising but poor, hundred years of alienation will sure end announcing the dawn of a new era.

 Posted on August 15, 2008

  The Sovereignty of Demagogues and the Akal Takht

Written by Dr. Amrik Singh from Sacramento
 

The way Jathedar Joginder Singh Vedanti was packed off raises serious questions about the functioning of the parliament of Sikhs.  Supreme sacrifices of Sikhs to get this body had even fired up the freedom movement in 1925. The architects of SGPC had great expectations of saving Sikhs from anarchy by providing far-sighted leadership. The miserable failure of SGPC in providing a good management now compels attention of the community. Over the years, it has not developed any long lasting institution that the future generation may take pride in. It has not risen above bickering of its members which become major stories in the media every other day. . It is deeply mired in controversies, crises and climaxes. Democratically elected SGPC members have been underperforming their role by giving free access to demagogues to temper with the religious affairs.

The heavy politicization of SGPC has created a situation of religious neglect of the very people it was supposed to serve. Instead of spreading Guru's word for uplifting the lower classes, SGPC has contributed in shoving them off to the fold of Deras for solace. The politicization process has promoted elitist attitudes confining the democratic body to only privileged classes. To keep their hold on to the reins, they have adopted all divisive agendas that Gurus stood against like a rock. Indeed, SGPC has touched its lowest ebb.

The blame squarely falls on Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal for the present mess. He has donned all powers of an undisputed demagogue who can appoint anybody to the office of SGPC president and the august seat of the historical Akal Takht. His will can immobilize SGPC members to mere nobodies. SGPC president has to check with his Pasha on regular basis about his loyalty not to the Office of the SGPC but to his godfather. Such charges though have been making rounds for long, the arbitrary removal of the Jathedar has proved beyond doubt that the Sovereign Seat of the Akal Takht is subordinated to the pleasure of the dictator.

Badal has given a lot of ammunition to anti-Sikh forces to play havoc with Sikhs' future. There is no use blaming excommunicated editor of Spokesman and his gang for showing disrespect to the institution of Akal Takht, when Badal has done it ten times worse than any adversary of the Akal Takht. He has joined the bandwagon of Joginder Singh who will now decide which Granth to read and which not. His hands became stronger as the removal of Jathedar has been matched with the installation of Captain Amrinder Singh at the heart of Punjab Congress party. Whatever reasons might have compelled Badal to take this decision, but the Vedanti controversy will affect him politically a great deal. Capt. Amrinder Singh's clout both in  Dera Sauda and Delhi Akali Dal is an open secret. Earlier, Captain tried to stage a coup in SGPC during his term as CM of Punjab. Vedanti controversy now has undoubtedly proved auspicious for projecting him as the future leader of Punjab.  

Centralizing all powers of SGPC, a democratically elected body, by S. PS Badal is in direct contradiction to his personal belief in federalism and decentralization of powers. Badal is nationally well known for more rights to States, and recently he vehemently countered Union Home Minister Shiv Raj Patil's proposal for the establishment of a Central Agency to monitor terrorist threats. The veteran Akali leader should have practiced his beliefs in SGPC where his clout ran uninterruptedly. Even a little allegiance to his own Anandpur Sahib Resolution would have made him devise an honorable way to dispense with the services of a Jathedar who did his best to negotiate the controversies despite his (Badal's) unethical pressure.  

The institution of Akal Takht remains embroiled in political controversies because no due process or procedures have been developed to run its affairs, meetings with other Takhts' representatives, and SGPC house committees to deal with historical, sociological and cinematic representation of Sikhs in text books and films. It doesn't appear SGPC is sensitive to maintain religious heritage by restoring historical sites, maintaining relics of Sikhs' past and saving rare manuscripts of Sikhs' enterprise. The result is the mess we are in today.  

Insiders say there is a nagging fear of inviting enlightened Sikhs to work with the SGPC. The cadre that has been enjoying power through manipulations feels threatened when any innovations are suggested to cope with the technological and corporate culture. The tendency of SGPC to confine pious resources to a few is identical with ancient Brahmanical traditions that denied access of knowledge to the commoners. Neglect of lower castes by the mainstream leadership points a finger in that direction. Divisive mindset in such circumstances reigns supreme contradicting the philosophy of Sikh Gurus.  

SGPC over the years could have become a laboratory of refined democratic values, had it adopted rational approach to cultivate culture of value-based consensus among SGPC members to solve problems Sikhs face from day to day. The diminution of SGPC members to mere puppets has barred any progress in Sikh affairs. Members should have been given greater role in sorting controversies than burdening priests with the controversial decisions. The critics too should share the blame as they shirked to go in stronghold of Sikh voters.

The Akal Takht and other Takhts are symbolic of moral authority. These institutions maybe used only for a symbolic acceptance of decisions reached in SGPC house or committees. The procedure maybe developed after a series of discussions, debates and deliberations that will save the institution of Akal Takht or its Jathedar from mockery of its detractors. If any decision becomes debatable, it will be the responsibility of the committees, not of the Jathedars who are now merely symbolic heads. In case of extreme religious importance, these heads may return controversial proposal to the house for incorporating suggestions. But this will be entirely up to the house to review and explain decisions made under the seal of Akal Takht.

SGPC may seek opinions of Sikh Diaspora on vital issues and ask representatives to work with committees for value-based decisions. The procedure for dissenting views should be adopted so that no bitter memories are left. The right to differ should be encouraged instead of suppressing it.

The process of appointing Akal Takht Jathedar should start at least one year before the actual appointment. The nominee should face the SGPC house, other Takhts, Sikh bodies and answer questions of members across party lines. The nominee should have track record of immaculate service and vast knowledge of Gurbani and Sikh history. The way the nominee handles questions in the house will make clear how the Jathedar will best symbolize the tradition of Sikhs' aspirations. Diaspora too can arrange a session with the nominees through internet for answers of their questions.

These suggestions are just to set the ball rolling. If the SGPC still won't wake up, the demagogues like Parkash Singh Badal or Capt. Amrinder Singh or Sarnas, or Joginders or Dera Chiefs will keep embarrassing Sikhs. The responsibility of all the mess will be of SGPC for abdicating its fundamental role in spreading Guru's word to the oppressed members of the society.

Note: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not necessarily those of  ambedkartimes.com

Posted on August 11, 2008


The Tragedy of Ishmeet Singh: Amul Star Voice of India

Dr. Amrik Singh, Sacramento

 

The heartrending story of nineteen year old Ishmeet Singh, winner of ‘Amul Star Voice of India’ on November 24, 2007 sent parents in a traumatic condition. Barely nine months of wonder after the rare recognition ended in a tragedy that created pathos in all who had set great hopes of glory. A soft spoken turbaned young Sikh, Ishmeet had no airs of his celebrity status. His death by drowning in the swimming pool of a resort near Male, the capital of Maldives , aroused immediate suspicion of the family. The only son of Gurpinder Singh Sodhi of Ludhiana , Punjab , Ishmeet was down to earth in his life style.

The contradicting details of death by naively entering into deeper end of the pool, crying for help that was mistaken by other singers merely as teasing, and dying immediately before those singers discovered it was too late appear unbelievable. BBC reported the statement of a member of the hotel staff that said he dived straight into the deep end of the swimming pool and ran into difficulties. Circumstantial evidence that slowly trickled after the tragedy indicates suspicion of a criminal conspiracy. The preliminary investigations should have started right after the tragic news. Statements of the hotel staff, the event company managers and all those who company officers communicated with before leaving for Maldives should have been recorded without parents demanding it.

Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal has written to Prime Minister demanding inquiry of Ishmeet’s death, but no action has been taken so far. It is true that Ishmeet had no enemies as he was friendly and respectful to all, but when parents expressed their suspicion of a foul play it should have been honored right away. On examining his body, Ishmeet’s uncle was very upset to see black mark on the Ishmeet’s forehead, injury marks on his chest and the swollen face.

Legendary Lata Mangeshkar and Asha Bhonsale were among those who mourned his death. Punjab government provided the state funeral to the budding star. His fans all over the world expressed heart felt sorrows. Sikhs of Pakistan held special prayers in historical Nankana Sahib.

An institute of Excellence in Music will be set up to commemorate the voice of Star of India. But all this won’t be enough, if circumstances of his death remain mysterious. Let the truth prevail.

Note: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not necessarily those of  ambedkartimes.com

Posted on August 08, 2008


The Fourth Dimension of the Indian Republic
Dr. Amrik Singh ( writes from Sacramento)

A typical government consists of three branches-the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary, but India has the fourth branch as well. The framers of the Indian constitution could not visualize that the fourth branch will sprout to acquire its most dominant form. The country’s intelligence system has outgrown into the fourth organ of the government.

It has acquired gigantic powers that can force other three domains to toe its line. It derives its extra-constitutional authority by waving extreme version of patriotism and impending dangers to freedom. Having exclusive access to devious secrets, it overrides all other wings and even goes to the extent of playing McCarthyism to clear the path for its relentless march.

The fourth wing operates through the agency of the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. It invests its energies most in the executive and makes it cross the constitutional boundaries at times. It can immobilize the judiciary and even interpret law for it. It can maneuver the parliament members to do their duties towards the nation-state. Though by definition, India being a multicultural country, cannot subscribe to the concept of the nation-state, the fourth wing however has all historical, sociological and psychological reasoning to justify its agenda and force the government to implement it. As a matter of fact, the country’s intelligence system is supposed to remain subordinated to the Executive, the Judiciary and the Legislature, but in the Indian context, it has become a colossal machine superimposed on three wings of the government. In sixty years of its functioning, it has established its independent credentials to be fairly considered as the fourth wing of the government. For our analysis we can name it as “Meta-surveillance.”

Hence, the government of India (Executive) in complicity with the fourth division, ‘Meta-surveillance’ exercises more authority than is granted to it by the constitution of India . Supreme Court (Judiciary) in most cases instead of protecting the constitution becomes an extended instrument of the arbitrary, ruthless and bigoted policies of the executive. Parliament (legislature) acts only to prop up the executive regardless of the fact, whether it follows the laws of the land or not. Parliament makes only those laws that are required by the executive to continue its unlimited power. The absolute authority enjoyed by the executive can make or mar any individuals, groups, institutions, state administrations and social organizations.

The intermediary role of the nation’s intelligence between the executive, judiciary and legislature requires a serious review of the intellectuals, lawyers, social activists and conscientious leaders. It has grown into a monolithic institution beyond the control of either wing of the government. It thrives on parading fears of the unknown to the republic of India , defense of the country, borders, individual life of leaders, and its functionaries. Sources reveal it receives huge unaccounted funds that it employs to inflict extrajudicial damage to the ones who are inimical to its interests. The Executive has strategic convenience to commit to the Meta-surveillance’s despotic authority and in return the Executive takes upon itself to run its affairs. In most western democracies, the intelligence is answerable to the legislature. The entire system is put under the scanner of lawmakers. The representatives of people discourage and openly question intelligence agencies’ extra-constitutional overtures.

The government of India ’s recent ban on former spies to write books exemplifies how the fourth wing functions. Apprehending that the former spies can expose Meta-surveillance’s antidemocratic actions, it has become instrumental in making the government pass controversial gag orders. The stance of M. K. Dhar, the former joint director of IB who wrote books about the inner-functioning of intelligence unnerved the administrators of ‘Meta-surveillance’; they lobbied to pass gag orders against former spies in a deceitful way. To muzzle former spies’ reflective observations in writing books, an amendment has been enforced in Central Services and Pension Rules. Government by agreeing to take unconstitutional step has bowed to the unrestrained supremacy of the fourth sector now known as ‘Meta-surveillance’

Meta-surveillance traces its origin to the colonial policies of the British Rule. It inherited a highly developed system of social engineering by playing one group against the other. It will promote ethnic, caste-related, religious, racial and regional identities not for the integration but for the division of people. British ruled over India for about two centuries through these divisive policies. But when Meta-surveillance provided extra-judicial strategies to the modern political parties, they couldn’t deny the secretive benefits. Meta-surveillance honed its skills with the four decades of Congress rule. It was due to its alliance with the Congress that it cut short regime of non-congress governments. But now it has spread its wings to take any party under its extra-constitutional umbrella.

Meta-surveillance can create atmosphere in which dastardly crimes not only look less painful but also necessary for the imagined nation state. Millions of crimes in the shape of communal riots were absorbed because Meta-surveillance is continuously at the ideological work to shape up imagined national consciousness. Killings of Sikhs, Muslims and Christians in the backdrop of imagined national consciousness look entirely unimportant to the three main wings of government; only because Meta-surveillance has created such an euphoria. That is why Politicians like Narendra Modi and Bal Thackeray successfully evade the constitutional scrutiny.

In the recent nuclear imbroglio, Meta-surveillance is engaged in creating circumstances for the passage of the US deal. The CBI’s affidavit in the Supreme Court for prosecuting UP Chief Minister Ms. Mayawati in 2003 Taj Corridor case maybe the result of a bargain with Samajwadi leader Mulayam Singh Yadav for support on the floor of the house. Grilling of Sumedh Singh Saini in disappearance of IAS officer’s son by CBI and then his getting relief in the Supreme Court all speak of politicization of criminal justice of the country. The dangling of sword (CBI charge-sheet) on the head of Gurmeet Ram Rahim on the one hand, and not arresting him and providing him Z Plus security on the other all may be to keep him as an instrument of convenience.

Meta-surveillance is a free floating ruthless force that makes unscrupulous allies for its mission. It can make a coalition of criminals, gang rapists, molesters, drug addicts first by entangling them in cases, then promising them security so that they may render dark services. Political parties accept their usefulness for the obvious benefits at the poll.

Meta-surveillance became a force to reckon with because majority of elected officials shed their responsibility due to either ignorance of the constitution or lack of initiatives. The enormous development made during the last sixty years remained lopsided. Millions of slum dwellers, Dalits, farmers, and laborers continue to live in extreme inhuman conditions. Meta-surveillance maybe accused of distracting politicians’ attention from policy making that could have made citizens relish the fruit of freedom.

Asian countries with Buddhist background developed in a different way. Japan and China recorded a massive development the fruits of which have trickled down to the lowest of the lows. They subordinated their surveillance to the goals they wanted to achieve. But India subordinated its executive, legislature and judiciary to the undeclared agenda of the Meta-surveillance. The largest democracy is woefully trapped in its colonial past and voracious hunger of politicians. The decadence has touched the new pinnacle of injustice, exploitation and violations of human rights. The brand of politicians we see on the horizons belies any hope of resurgence. Who will bell the cat, then?

© Copyright

Note: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not necessarily those of  ambedkartimes.com

Posted on July 16, 2008


The Legend of Tejinder Singh Sibia

(From left to right) Mr. Tejinder Sibia, Mr. Tejinder Sibia with his wife Manjit Kaur Sibia and Tejinder Sibia is seen with Hon. Dave Jones - Assembly member, State of California IVQACC picnic August 2007.

By Dr. Amrik Singh from Sacramento

Email: amrik15@msn.com

Isabel Garcia, 73, was expecting a phone call from Tejinder Singh Sibia (Ted Sibia) when she noticed his obituary in Sacramento Bee on March 9, 2008. “I hated him to go and leave us profoundly shocked.” Daughter of Mr. Memel Singh, a Punjabi Pioneer who came to the US in 1906, and Isabel Singh Garcia acknowledged that she was rich with history because “Ted restored our Mexican Punjabi identity to us and researched on the narrative of the lost race. I am afraid the new generation of Punjabis isn’t interested in us any more.” Mrs. Garcia regretted that Ted didn’t live to see the museum to honor Punjabi pioneers in Sutter County. Sibia was advisor to Punjabi American Heritage Society that according to Dr. Jasbir Singh Kang is in the fourth of five phases of Museum’s completion.Tejinder Sibia will be known as one of the stalwarts who modeled core values of Punjabi culture during his most rewarding career in the US. A strong gathering of more than 400 in North Sacramento Funeral Home at El Camino and at Sikh Gurdwara, West Sacramento on March 9, 2008 was unanimous in recognizing Mr. Tejinder Sibia’s monumental contribution in enhancing historical, cultural and linguistic awareness of Punjabis in American society. He loved his circle of friends as much as he loved his family. He touched hearts of young men and women who looked upon him as their mentor and perennial source of inspiration. As a boss, he is remembered as the most benevolent, approachable and entertaining. Irwin Weintraub ( Brooklyn, NY) reminisces the time at Virginia Tech during 1973-77 as “blessed to have Ted as my supervisor.” Charlie Priore ( Kengon, MN) recalls Mr. Sibia during 1980-84 at UC Davis, “His wisdom and mentoring have followed me all of my many years after leaving.” Similar messages have been recorded by David Washburn and Carrie Rushby (Cascade, ID) who happened to work under Ted’s supervision. Mr. Sibia migrated to the US in 1960 after graduating from PAU Ludhiana. Born in August, 1937 in Killa Raipur, Ted seemed to have imbibed the spirit of sportsmanship in the serene environments of his village, known as the site of historic rural Olympics. He worked hard to earn master's degrees in horticulture at Kansas State University and library science at Emporia State University in Kansas . Mr. Sibia headed Shield Library, Research Unit of Biology and Agriculture at the University of California , Davis . Community events were vital source of his high-spiritedness. One month before his death, on February 3, 2008, Ted made sure that he didn’t miss honoring of Dr. David Hosley, Emeritus President and General Manager of PBS/KVIE TV Channel 6 for the production of “Sikhs in America .” The picture of the event at Gurdwara West Sacramento was taken by him and widely published in various newspapers. His article “Immortal Komagata Maru” in Pioneer Asian Immigration to the Pacific Coast throws light on his profound psychological bonding with Punjabi pioneers who in spite of unbearable sufferings kept the flame of India ’s freedom burning. His website www.sikhpioneers.org makes accessible to researchers rare documents of historical importance. How he collected artifacts from now isolated Mexican Punjabi families, is subject of another story. As a member of Kohinoor Club, Mr. Sibia was an asset to the institution. Mr. Sibia supported efforts of the community to introduce Sikh history in California school textbooks. He often accompanied Dr. Onkar Singh Bindra for lobbying to introduce teaching of Punjabi in schools and colleges. Ted was instrumental in starting Punjabi at Sacramento City College. Dr. Jasbir Singh Kang remembered that Mr. Sibia was the first to organize cultural events under the banner of Punjabi Cultural society in 1970-80. Mrs. Manjit Sibia wife of Mr. Sibia said that he established liaison with Asians like Vietnamese, Japanese and Chinese to build a senior center for the community. He loved counseling young boys and girls to make them proud of their identities. Sukh Chain Singh one of his closest friends shared with the community his last meeting with Ted that touched everybody’s heart. Mr. Singh told that his last wish was that since he had had a wonderful life and enjoyed love and gratitude of his friends, he wanted that his funeral and memorial service (Bhog) should take place on the same day. Tejinder didn’t want his friends to put to any inconvenience. He got ready for his death the way he would get ready with a smile for attending social events. Ted appeared to be fully in control of events that were related with his last rites.

Revised & re-posted on www.ambedkartimes.com ( March 26, 2008 )Posted on www.ambedkartimes.com ( March 22, 2008 )

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Tejinder S. Sibia indeed was the soul of the community. The Sacramento Bee’s Guestbook for Ted Sibia reminds us how high his stature in the community was. The Guestbook will remain online for a year. http://www.legacy.com/SacBee/GB/GuestbookView.aspx?PersonId=105255676 The entry by young Riars is one of heartfelt ovations to Mr Tejinder Singh Sibia’s legendary life lived for others.

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Ode to Uncle Ji


To the heavens you must depart, leaving behind broken hearts;
Lost is now a husband, father, and good friend, he stayed strong until the end
A proud member of our community, who lived life with so much glee
A smile on his face with his infamous "Hey!" would spread laughter without delay
A punctual man, always on time, a man of his word, a man who was kind.
His life was once shattered with the loss of his son;
He picked up the pieces and was able to continue on.
Despite the burden, hardship and strife
He had a wonderful passion for life.

Navi, Navreen, Junior Riar (Antelope, CA)

Posted on www.ambedkartimes.com ( March 22, 2008 )

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MR. SIBIA WAS GREAT PERSONALITY

Dear Editor Ji,

Jai Gurdev! Mr. Sibia was a great personality. His service to the community will be remembered for long time. In year, 2004 Shri Guru Ravidass Sabha ( Vancouver ) organized a function dedicated to Babu Mangoo Ram Muggowalia Ji. After visiting the site, http://www.sikhpioneers.org/famous.html, I noticed that something was missing there. That was Babu Mangoo Ram Muggowalia's name from that site. I e-mailed Mr. Sibia and requested him to include Babu Mangoo Ram MuggowaliaJi's name and write something about him. In a day or two, he had that information on the site and he had informed by e-mail. Mr. Sibia will be greatly missed.

Tej Pal Gangar Muggowalia (Canada)

Posted on www.ambedkartimes.com ( March 24, 2008 )

 

Whither Went Sovereignty?” Debated


 


Dr. Amrik Singh (From
Sacramento , California )

Indian Government‘s Blue Start operation created a turmoil in Sikhs’ relationship with the Indian nation state. If 9/11 attack on twin towers rocked the whole world especially the western , in the same way Indian military raid on Harmandir Sahib(Golden Temple) precipitated an upheaval in Sikhs’ socio-political world. These were the views expressed by Ajmer Singh author of two books on the twentieth century polity of the Sikhs. While defending his argument in his famous book “Whither went Sovereignty?” the author Ajmer Singh asserted that June, 1984 was a defining chapter in the history of the estranged community. Sikh Information Center arranged a discussion on his books in the new conference hall of West Sacramento Sikh Gurudwara on 12 January 2008 . About a hundred members of the community and dozens of intellectuals took part in the discussion and debated the position taken by the author...

Dwelling on two Sikh holocausts and four invasions on Harmandir Sahib in eighteenth century, Ajmer distinguished Blue Star relatively as a highly organized incursion to devastate the whole community. According to the author, it has become necessary to analyze the situation after Blue Star as it has been eating into the vitals of the community. The failure to do so by Sikh intelligentsia, opines Mr. Singh, has created a sense of uncertainty, confusion and divisiveness. Giving an analogy of primaries for the US presidential election, he said that Hillary Rodham Clinton’s tear droplets could be both interpreted as her pain for the country or merely a pretext to win the election. Similarly, he welcomed different interpretations of his arguments ruling out the singularity of opinions.

The paradigmatic shift produced by June, 1984 will render conceptual structures of previous knowledge as redundant. The author emphatically asserted that Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale stood by what he preached. His insistence on shaping Sikh identity raised awareness among Sikhs for a life of freedom and dignity. The resounding victory of Congress in parliamentary election in 1985 was predicated on what happened in Amritsar . The Indian nation acquired a new Hindutva identity by making Sikhs as scapegoats. Multi-national character of the Indian state was compromised.

Ajmer Singh upheld that Sikhs are a separate nation. Though it cannot be denied that they mostly came from Hindus, however, they are a generation apart in their beliefs. The strength of Hindu Varna system can never be the backbone of Sikh theological view. Brahminical attitude may be tolerant, yet when challenged, can unleash violence. Sikhs have a right to differ with the mainstream Hindu thought and seek their emancipation from its subjugating structures.

Ajmer Singh said that there is a hidden genocidal impulse in the Hindu belief system and congratulated the Sikh community for rejecting it. He pointed out that when Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale had slightly hinted at direct action, even then the majority of Sikhs used restraint and did not participate in any civil strife. After the assassination of Indira Gandhi while Sikhs were targeted in Delhi and other cities, Sikhs in Punjab did not fight in streets. However, he regretted that Sikhs became instruments of evil design during partition riots. Ajmer Singh expressed his horror had Sikh militancy succeeded in wresting power as disorganized and devoid of Sikh vision it had been.

In the ensuing discussion, Baldev Singh who often writes for www.Sikhspectrum.com, applauded Ajmer Singh for holding on to his arguments. Wadhava Singh argued that Sikhs were being attacked indirectly through the agency of people like Gurmeet Ram Rahim. Gurdial Singh argued that Sikhs would remain a part of Hindus so long they believed in caste system. The curse of the caste would reverse any progress made by them. He pointed out to the deterioration in morals. He was, however, skeptical about any improvement in the near future. While answering questions raised by the audience, Ajmer Singh asked why no Dalit was ever allowed to contest from a general quota seat? Sikhs should have created such examples to get rid of the century old caste system. Dr. Amrik Singh referred to some of the questions raised by Dr. Jaspal Singh in his review of Ajmer Singh’s books. He also commented that Sikhs had not yet fully understood the colonialism that was mainly responsible for subjugating them. In the modern times, they have to grasp the process of globalization and their transnational identity to fully integrate into the postmodern societies. Sarbjit Singh sought clarifications on Sikhs’ observance of caste system and their failure to extricate themselves from its morass. Gurbakshish Singh of “India Spices” also raised interesting questions. Bhajan Singh Bhinder conducted the stage very well.

The audience vehemently cheered the speakers and showed their appreciation for a lively discussion.

West Sacramento Gurudwara President Balbir Singh Dhillon, Revered Wadhawa Singh Gill, trustee Dr. Onkar Singh Bindra and Mrs. Bindra, Dr. Pargat Singh Hundal, S. Kuldeep Singh, Er. Jatinder Singh Hundal, Bhai Ranjit Singh and associates were some of the prominent personalities among the audience.

Posted on www.ambedkartimes.com ( January 18, 2008 )

Sikhs, Swamis, Students and Spies
The India lobby in the United States, 1900-1946.

By Harold A. Gould
460 pp. Sage Publications.

Book Review by


Dr. Amrik Singh (Sacramento California)

Harold A Gould’s book, Sikhs, Swamis, Students, And Spies: The India Lobby in the United States 1900-1946 is a landmark study of pioneers’ quest for freedom, love and justice both in lands of their birth and the lands they bowed to make green. Their contribution, according to Gould, will remain exceptional in the annals of history. Their dream of undivided India, though, could not become a reality due to the inept handling, yet their extraordinary role in becoming catalytic agent of change would alter our perception. Gould focuses on 1900-1946 period to dig out the truth behind the British’s eviction from India. His narrative flows uninterrupted through out 460 pages, mainly because he avoids hot spots of controversies for a more authentic account. Unlike most post-independence Indian historians, Gould constructs a comprehensive image of Ghadrites in championing the cause of freedom. Obstacles in the way to attain citizenship roused their ire creating a response that ironically advanced the cause of civil rights on both sides of the globe.

The author clearly explains how a small community of not more than 5000-6000 in 1910-20, had originally conceived a dream of claiming their country from clutches of the colonialists. In their monumental efforts, they struggled on behalf of then 260 million Indians who were being magnetized and mesmerized with glamour and glitz of colonial lifestyles. Pioneers’ lobbying efforts promoted the cause of freedom in American media, academia, and the society. The armed incursion of revolutionaries, though, suffered many jolts as British intelligence had made deep inroads into the very heart of Ghadr, however, it fueled the imagination of Indians to explore possibilities of free India. The title of the book, in fact, is a quip of Lala Hardyal who used it to categorize Indians in America as Sikhs, Swamis, Students and spies; it is so apt and apposite to the subject matter that it holds readers’ interest until the end.

The main plot revolves round Ambassador William Phillips’s assignment to India and his highly confidential report on British Raj’s hollowness and callousness in suppressing the voice of freedom and jeopardizing ongoing war efforts. Through his private report, Phillips urged the President Franklin D. Roosevelt to take action against the British in view of the common agenda adopted by allies in World War II. Since the lobbyists had sympathizers in the US state department, the confidential letter to the President found its way in the most popular column of the Washington Post. Drew Pearson’s “The Washington Merry-Go-Round” created a rift right in the middle of World War II. Who had leaked the information to the press? Gould reveals the name for the first time in the book under review.

The book has been dedicated to Professor I. Crane (1922-97) whose name is linked for the first time to the greatest mystery in the state department leakage case of 1943 to one of the columnists of the Washington Post. This disclosure hit hard at the British’s orchestrated campaign of constructing myths in America about benevolence of the British Raj. J.J. Singh, who was known as ‘one-man lobby’ and a genius of public relations among his American sympathizers, had worked hard to advertise Indian freedom movement. The author comments that firebrand leader like Lala Har Dyal though provided organizational support initially, yet could not manage to run the affairs for long due to British operatives’ threat. However the recruits mostly Sikhs, some Hindus and Muslims as well stood trial and some achieved martyrdom as wages for their allegiance. Professor Crane says about Sikhs: “They were all patriots and wanted India to be free, but they also wanted American citizenship.”

The intertwined motif of ending discrimination on the basis of race made pioneers willing partners in fight to the finish. The struggle for freedom starting in 1900 in North America continued with the same fervor though different routes had to be followed for achieving results. After the First World War, Punjabi pioneers’ influence looked unstoppable as they had 122,000 acreage in their possessions. Immigration & Naturalization Services’ decision to challenge the verdict of a district court in the US Supreme Court won support of Anglo Americans as a deterrent measure. Their main angst was pioneers’ unquenchable thirst for agricultural lands. The British Raj succeeded in convincing US government to try in court of law all revolutionaries for conspiring an armed incursion with money pumped by imperial Germany. The trials, according to Gould, were a media circus. “It lasted 155 days; cost the US government $450, 000 and the British government 2.5 million. The amount the British spent is obviously a measure of how threatening they believed Ghadr, in concert with the German enemy, had become.” In trials, the British had a motive for using American media for stereotyping ‘Hindoos’ as people of violent and criminal bent of mind. The phenomenal amount of dollar spending to suppress a small group of radicals through infiltration on the one hand and to egg on non-violent movement involving a larger population was the only course left to sidetrack barrels of guns from faces of Raj’s custodians.

In the 47 years of journey, Ghadr pioneers and their friends continued financial, moral and nationalistic support to the lobbyists. The median income of Indian Americans in 2005 is over $60.000 per annum, according to Gould, higher than any other minority group. Sufferings and energies of Sohan Singh Bhakna, Har Dayal, Taraknath Das, Syud Hossain, Anup Singh, Sridharani, JJ Singh, the Sikh leaders on the Pacific Coast, and so many others like Professor Robert Crane made it possible. The tenacity of their purpose and steady financial support won a badge of American citizenship when President Harry S. Truman signed ‘Celler-Luce Bill’ on July 2, 1946. The relief applied to all people of the Indian subcontinent. Gould emphasizes that isolating Ghadr from the latter-day campaigns will result in belittling its historical role. Gould opines, “The intellectuals were especially crucial in developing the various organizations that promoted political awareness and provided framework for collective action. Ghadr was a classic manifestation of this fateful conjecture, as were the organizations that followed, such as the Friends for Freedom of India, the India League of America, the Indian Chamber of Commerce of America, and the National Committee for Indian Freedom, the India Welfare League, etc.”

The armed invasion for liberation fantasized by Ghadrites may look a mere figment of imagination today, but for British intelligence it was a big plot to single out and dispatch white people from India. The interception of a ship, Henry S loaded with 5000 pistols at the sea was though a major success of the British intelligence, yet it spread panic among whites. The great enthusiasm of revolutionaries had stunned the ruling minority of India. The intelligence planned to create a counter political movement that might be not only culturally savvy and socially well-liked, but also damaging to the radicals. The double edged sword fashioned by master minds of the British intelligence both worked to decimate the influence of radicals in India as well as in the US. The main goal of underground operatives was to send early signals of an impending uprising.
Lobbyists’ efforts definitely increased American intervention in forcing the British to leave India. The President Harry S. Truman’s declaration of citizenship to Indians in 1946, in fact, was the precursor to India’s liberation in 1947. It is a different matter though colonialism continued in post-independent era in different indigenous forms. This could have been the only reason that Indian successive governments became apathetic to the demand of erecting a commemorative structure for Ghadr martyrs.

Sage Publication has done a good job except for errors in Professor l. Crane’s year of birth. Readers won’t know which one is right— 1920, 1922 and 1927.

Posted on www.ambedkartimes.com (December 20, 2007)

 

 


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